By Amilcar Shabazz
As we strategy the 50th anniversary of Brown v. Board of schooling (1954), it is very important think of the ancient struggles that resulted in this groundbreaking determination. 4 years past in Texas, the Sweatt v. Painter selection allowed blacks entry to the college of Texas's legislation university for the 1st time. Amilcar Shabazz exhibits that the advance of black better schooling in Texas--which has traditionally had one of many greatest country collage and college structures within the South--played a pivotal position within the problem to Jim Crow education.Shabazz starts off with the construction of the Texas collage move within the Eighties to foyer for equivalent entry to the entire diversity of graduate schooling via a first class college for African americans. He strains the philosophical, felony, and grassroots elements of the later crusade to open all Texas faculties and universities to black scholars, exhibiting the advanced diversity of recommendations and the variety of ideology and method at the a part of black activists and intellectuals operating to advertise academic equality. Shabazz credit the efforts of blacks who fought for swap via hard greater assets for segregated black faculties within the years earlier than Brown, exhibiting how an important foundation for national desegregation was once laid within the nation of Texas.
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Additional resources for Advancing Democracy: African Americans and the Struggle for Access and Equity in Higher Education in Texas
Taylor, the State Department of Education’s white supervisor of Negro education, introduced the conference’s purpose and scope. S. ∂≥ Bullock, who followed Taylor in the morning session, presented the 22 H I G H E R E D U C AT I O N I N T E X A S ﬁndings of his research and an analysis of the ‘‘availability’’ of public education. He cited Caliver’s 1932 study of black secondary education and his 1935 study of black rural education as having suggested the beneﬁts of a broader investigation. ’’ In a matter-of-fact style, he highlighted the gross inequality of the dual system of education.
However, by the early 1930s, the dncc was dormant. ∑∫ In 1932, the spark that revitalized the organization and ultimately acted as the catalytic force behind a new wave of the black freedom struggle in Texas was Antonio Maceo Smith. Albon Holsey, the executive secretary of the Negro Business League of Oklahoma City, wrote a letter of introduction for Smith to Hamilton, recommending that the dncc hire him to be its executive secretary. ∑Ω Smith, who left his hometown of Texarkana to study at Fisk University and went on to earn his master’s degree in business administration at New York University, like Hamilton, saw himself as a New Negro.
An editorial in the Dallas Times Herald offered another perspective. π≠ As for House Bill No. 678, the legislature dragged its feet for more than two years. Despite the wise counsel of a university president, newspaper editors, leaders from the Negro Chambers of Commerce, the tcic, and the Colored Teachers State Association of Texas, the legislature delayed passage of the bill. Even after Hamilton led a dncc-ctsat-tcic delegation to meet with Governor James Allred and won his ‘‘whole-hearted support’’ for the measure, nothing occurred.
Advancing Democracy: African Americans and the Struggle for Access and Equity in Higher Education in Texas by Amilcar Shabazz